Tuesday, 11 August 2020

A Tale of Hungry Elephants

Updated: December 18, 2010 11:53 am

The piece focuses on the three scams which have perturbed India in the recent past and threaten to disturb the socio-political life, at least in the coming future. The article delves to situate the three ‘astronomical’ scams within a larger historical perspective.

 Sometimes in the second half of the seventeenth century, the Mughal Empire in India was gradually reaching its zenith under the aegis of Emperor Aurangzeb. There was one noble of his, named Qabil Khan. He had a very short stint in the nobility. Even then, he could amass twelve lakhs of rupees in cash during that period of office. However, he was not the only one. Lavishness exhibited by the nobles was an accepted norm in Mughal India. Historians tell us that everyday, a hundred dishes were prepared for Abul Fazl, Emperor Akbar’s court historian. In fact, in those days no official work could proceed without giving presents to the nobles. Thus corruption, jobbery and misuse of office were present, if not rampant in Medieval India.

                The exploitation by the nobility was so heart-rending that the French traveller Bernier tells us that on account of the demands of the rapacious lords, the Indian peasants were driven to despair at “so execrable a tyranny”.

                Nonetheless, there seems to be a greener side to it because the nobles and the gentry, who usurped the finances, also put it into public use as they built mosques, hospices, inns, market places, canals, tanks, orchards and the like. In some way or the other, money looted in the country remained within its territorial confines.

                Within half-a-century after the demise of Aurangzeb, malfeasance in India acquired a different connotation altogether.

                The ‘servants’ of the English East India Company indulged in a ‘never-known-before’ type of acts of delinquency. Over and above their loot, rapine and plunder, they engineered an environment of corruption which could penetrate socio-cultural barriers.

                However, scholarly euphemisms like ‘Drain of Wealth’ tended to shield such brazen acts, first by the Company and thereafter in a process of continuity by the bureaucracy of the Imperial Raj.

                Corruption in post-colonial India must not and should not be ascribed to a legacy of the British Raj since that would be a highly-simplistic solution. The root problem is ingrained within a complex matrix of socio-economic and cultural development of a nation-state; influenced by both internal psychological morphology and external dependencies on money-economy.

                Six decades of Independence have passed and India has moved on. It has, according to the words of Obama, ’emerged’ and ‘not merely emerging’. India has galloped towards the moon. India has had an economy which grew at a robust rate of eight to nine per cent per annum. India could efficiently isolate itself from the evils of the global meltdown. India could boast of multi-billionaires like the Ambanis and the Mittals. India generated a beefy volume of films which garnered not only popular appreciation at home and abroad, but at the same time could bag awards of the highest order.

                India also pumped outwards a healthy amount of software exports, the very body of which was churned out by an equally ‘expert’ body of ‘graduated’ staff. And finally, India did host the Commonwealth Games, as a ‘last-moment-salvaged’ possible brandishing of economic exuberance vis-a-vis China.

                And, one more thing India did in the last three years. The government implemented a pay rise for its public servants and academia; a hike (of about 75 per cent) which places the ‘servants’ as a more-or-less privileged class compared to a parallel set of ‘masses’, who according to official statistics, comprise 30 per cent of the total population and visually portray a horde of dark-skinned, snub-nosed subjugated denizens with distended bellies which is symptomatic of an Ethiopia-esque landscape.

                Furthermore, India’s legislators have enhanced their own ‘salaries’ to the next higher level (an effective increase of about 100 per cent), wailing that even such an increment was not commensurate with their ‘constitutional status’.

                Hence in 2010, at least the world and the ‘hapless’ Indians who have been implicitly codified as the ‘other’ in the lexicon of the ‘sane authorities’, expected a country free of corruption, at least of the level of the Medieval hooligans or the colonial ruffians.

                However, any conjecture which equates ‘poverty’ with corruption seriously needs to be re-hypothesized as far as the great Indian corruption is concerned. A very recent example of an administrative officer in the Union Home Ministry selling himself in return of monetary and sexual favours is a standard case in point.

                Place: New Delhi, capital of the Indian Union. The venue of the Commonwealth Games. A last moment Indian magic could somehow resurrect the falling credibility and an AR Rehman song was a soothing conclusion to the pejorative event.

                A peep into Wikipedia would ensure that the initial total budget estimated by the Indian Olympic Association in 2003 for hosting the Games was US $364.5 million but the escalated official total budget estimation in 2010 became US $2.6 billion, which excludes non-sports-related infrastructure development in the city. The Business Today magazine has estimated that the net cost for the Games has turned out to be US $6.8 billion.

                With such an astronomical budget on the carpet, it was not unexpected to have allegations of mismanagement and hence concomitant corruption against the involved officials. Most recent news quotes the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) that it has collected concrete documentary evidence against the Organising Committee Chairman Suresh Kalmadi, which establishes his role in the Queen’s Baton relay controversy. Reports indicate that the CBI is planning the arrest of Mr Kalmadi on his return to India from the Asian Games in Guangzhou, China; where ironically the Indian sportspersons are performing quite well.

                The Indian Constitution is the bulkiest of its kind in the world and Article 148 of the venerated, but not sacrosanct document upholds the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) whose job of exploring any surreptitious squandering away of public exchequer is explicitly delineated in the next article of the same treatise.

                Hence, the CAG did not trespass its jurisdiction when it raised a hue and cry against the loss to the tune of Rs 176,000 crore (about US $40 bn) to the public treasury. The fingers were being directly pointed toward A Raja, then Union Telecom Minister. He reportedly gave away licenses at unusually low prices to some select companies for the 2G (second generation) electromagnetic spectrum wireless telephone technology. Instead of following the well-established auction route, the Minister took the First Come First Served (FCFS) process while disbursing the licenses. Interestingly, while indulging in that, Mr Raja appears to have flouted norms, suggestions and directives of the Prime Minister, the Ministries of Law and Finance, and the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India.

                Well, Raja has resigned, just to shut some vociferous clamouring no doubt. However, it seems pretty hard to digest the fact that the Minister was peregrinating in such a turf since 2008 without the cognizance of his ‘bosses’, and the Prime Minister by virtue of the Cabinet system that works in India, is at the apex. A former Cabinet Secretary of India told Rediff.com that under the Transaction of Business Rules (1961) any decision above Rs 500 crore (US$110 million) has to go through the Union Cabinet.

                PC Alexander, a former governor of two of India’s provinces, in an article in The Asian Age expressed shock when he said: “How could in a parliamentary democracy like ours, a minister ignore the advice of the Prime Minister in such a matter?”

                Place: Mumbai, formerly Bombay and India’s financial capital. The city houses the country’s most prolific sportsperson, rather the ‘Godly’ cricketer, Sachin Tendulkar. However, a scam has recently been unearthed in this city which would quite easily surpass all of Tendulkar’s runs and with élan can force people to be more appalled at its magnitude than be horrified to watch the city taken at ransom by a few Pakistan-based terrorists as on 26/11.

                The “Adarsh” Cooperative Housing Society, originally meant to be a six-storey structure to house Kargil war heroes and war widows, was converted into a 100-metre-tall building.

                The society was built subject to the condition that it would accommodate only war veterans and their widows, but now has 103 members, which include relatives of then Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Mr Ashok Chavan.

                On top of that, former Army Chiefs Generals Deepak Kapoor and NC Vij and former Navy Chief Admiral Madhavendra Singh and Vice-Chief Gen Shantanu Choudhary also got flats in the society. Interestingly, they have offered to surrender their flats on the grounds that they did not know (?) the land was meant for the widows of Kargil war heroes. The list also includes the names of former Union Environment Minister Suresh Prabhu and a host of bureaucrats and their relatives. An individual by the name of SB Chavan also owns a flat. Amusingly, Ashok Chavan’s late father was also SB Chavan!

                According to the present market rate in the South Mumbai area where the society is located, an average-sized flat could cost somewhere between Rs 6 crore and Rs 8 crore (US $1.3 to $1.7 million). However, members of the society paid a meager one-tenth of the said price for each flat.

                Interestingly, ‘Adarsh-type’ scams are perhaps nothing new as Mr Julio Ribeiro, a former IPS officer discloses in an interview:

                “In Maharashtra, during the chief ministership of Vasantdada Patil, the bureaucrats and politicians were not allowed to sell their flats which were given to them at concessional rates by the government. However, when the politicians started indulging in such activities, the IAS and IPS officers also followed suit. A flat of 3.5 lakhs was sold at 3.5 crores.”

                Now, what has been the outcome of such a leak? Simple. Another resignation and this time of the Chief Minister Ashok Chavan.

                So, arrests and resignations have taken place and the CBI is on the move. The moot question though pertains to the alacrity of the investigating agency.

                Thus, one thing turns out to be common in these three stories. None of the protagonists were ‘poor’. Rather they were well entrenched in the Indian society. Moreover, they were enjoying hefty salaries. So, what made them ‘corrupt’? Was it simply greed?

                This is a simple question which has a difficult answer.

                Anthropologists, historians, sociologists, psychologists, political scientists; may be even biologists and physicians have to get their acts together in a collaborative joint venture to unearth the psyche of the Indian elephants, who tend to eat more and more and more and more—to mutate into massive colossus beasts.

                2010 would soon give way to 2011. India’s policy-makers would boast of high-growth projections and Indian Space Research Organisation shall attempt to compete with China in Space architecture and Sachin Tendulkar, by all estimates would go on scoring more runs. The ‘aam aadmi’ of India would be enthralled and bemused with these and also watch more movies while munching popcorn.

                The elephants, however, shall go on eating, unabated, undaunted and unhindered.

By Uddipan Mukherjee

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